From: MX%"lpb@stratus.swdc.stratus.com" 6-MAR-1992 10:12:20.43 To: AMBROSEGB CC: Subj: NWO Genocide There is circumstantial evidence that points to every indication our gvts (most primary world gvts like usa, canada, germany, australia, japan, etc ....) 1) know the planet goes thru periodic upheavals 2) know that there is a potential for an asteroid strike in souther hemisphere this decade 3) and know that the worlds resources can only support so many people if portions of the planet cannot sustain agriculture..... Think about it ...... chrinic fatigue syndrome .... voluntary euthenasia...... AIDS.....incurable STDs ......... irrational embargos against destroyed nations etc ..... what's wrong with this picture? Len ----- Begin Included Message ----- --------------------------------------------------------------- Article 12542 of alt.activism: Path: lassie!voder!apple!usc!cs.utexas.edu!uunet!ccs!covici From: covici@ccs.covici.com (John Covici) Newsgroups: alt.activism,soc.culture.china Subject: Genocidal Roots Of Bush's New World Order Part 1 Message-ID: Date: 5 May 91 11:34:51 GMT Organization: Covici Computer Systems Lines: 122 Xref: lassie alt.activism:12542 soc.culture.china:45755 The genocidal roots of Bush's new world order by Kathleen Klenetsky Millions of people will almost certainly die as a consequence of Operation Desert Storm. According to some estimates, one-half million Iraqis were killed in the U.S. military offensive; the allied bombing raids killed countless numbers of innocent civilians, while accomplishing what a United Nations team called the ``near-apocalyptic'' destruction of the country's infrastructure. With its industrial and agricultural base now reduced to rubble, its sewage and water systems wiped out, it is feared that the disease, famine, and political turmoil sweeping Iraq and threatening to spill over into surrounding nations, will send the death toll soaring into the stratosphere. Yet there is one person who is mightily pleased by this holocaust of human suffering: His name is George Bush, and genocide runs in his blood. For Bush, the more people who die, the better. Why? Because he believes that there are too many people in the world, especially black, brown, and yellow people, and that eliminating them must be a principal goal of the world's political leaders. If war helps get rid of some of these ``useless eaters'' efficiently, then so be it. To Bush and his elite circle, the growth of the world's population represents one of the most dangerous threats imaginable, one that must be met with harsh measures, including outright mass murder. This perverse and profoundly anti-Christian view, pervasive within the Anglo-American establishment, has not only been the driving force in Bush's political career. It was also one of the underlying motives behind his Operation Desert Storm; and it undergirds the ``new world order'' which he threatens to bring down upon the world. - Depopulation wars - As early as 1969, Bush--who had already declared himself to be a staunch advocate of zero population growth--was publicly discussing war as a method of population reduction. Then a Republican congressman from Texas, Bush told the House of Representatives on July 21, 1969 that unless the menace of human population growth were to be ``recognized and made manageable, starvation, pestilence, and war will solve it for us.'' In light of the massive destruction wreaked by U.S. firepower, can there be any question that Operation Desert Storm was first and foremost a depopulation war--a war whose primary objective was to kill as many people as possible? National Security Council memoranda dating from 1974-76, which were only recently declassified, should erase any lingering doubts. Written during the period when George Bush was a high-ranking official in the Ford administration (first as U.S. emissary to China, then as CIA director), and when his current national security adviser, Brent Scowroft, served President Ford in the same capacity, the documents lay out the rationale for waging population wars throughout the developing sector. One key document which we excerpt in this report, entitled ``Implications of Worldwide Population Growth for U.S. Security and Overseas Interests''--claims that population growth in the Third World represents a threat to U.S. national security, and further asserts that slashing population levels in the developing sector is essential to guarantee the United States unfettered access to raw materials. Given this mentality, it is entirely credible that the reason the Bush administration decided to bomb Iraq back to the Stone Age had nothing to do with Saddam Hussein's invasion of Kuwait, and everything to do with the fact that Iraq has--or had--the fastest-growing population in the Mideast, and that it wanted to secure a decent price for its oil supplies so that it could support that population. The NSC memoranda were part of a process whereby the goal of population reduction became a leading objective of both U.S. foreign and domestic policy. This process began in earnest in the mid-1960s, when influential layers of the establishment began their crusade to wipe out the notion of progress and the sacredness of human life, and replace it with old, discredited neo-malthusian and utilitarian dogmas. The Carter administration's {Global 2000} report, the Council on Foreign Relations' ``1980s Project,'' and the reams of propaganda churned out by the major foundations and zero-growth think tanks screaming about the population bomb and man as a ``cancer'' destroying Mother Nature, were all key elements in this drive for genocide. - The same policy at home - But it was left to the Bush administration to take the fraudulent idea that there are too many people in the world to its logical, murderous, conclusion--not only with its war on Iraq, but with its implementation of a policy of ``malign neglect'' toward America's jobless, homeless, elderly, minorities, and the poor. This makes perfect sense. As we document below, Bush has been in the vanguard of the war against the world's ``useless eaters'' since his first appearance on the political stage back in the 1960s. He spearheaded the drive for zero growth while a congressman, and has never stopped since. Can someone who hates people--because that is the root of the neo-malthusian ideology--possibly run a government devoted to the welfare of humanity? George Bush has already answered that question; the question that needs to be answered next is, how much longer will people tolerate Bush's ``Texas chain saw massacre'' policies? >From EIR V18, #17. Any comments, please send by email, as I get very far behind on this group. Thanks. John Covici covici@ccs.covici.com Article 12543 of alt.activism: Path: lassie!voder!apple!usc!wuarchive!uunet!ccs!covici From: covici@ccs.covici.com (John Covici) Newsgroups: alt.activism,soc.culture.china Subject: Genocidal Roots Of Bush's New World Order part 2 Message-ID: <692g22w164w@ccs.covici.com> Date: 5 May 91 11:39:52 GMT Organization: Covici Computer Systems Lines: 447 Xref: lassie alt.activism:12543 soc.culture.china:45756 Kissinger, Scowcroft, Bush plotted Third World genocide by Hassan Ahmed and Joseph Brewda Although U.S. population control studies intended for public dissemination typically center on the allegedly dire effect that ``overpopulation'' has on the economic well-being and stability of the developing countries, this is not the actual concern of the planners who have shaped U.S. policy toward the Third World since the Henry Kissinger era in government. An examination of recently declassified documents, in particular National Security Study Memorandum 200, ``Implications of Worldwide Population Growth for U.S. Security and Overseas Interests,'' written in 1974, shows that U.S. government population policy is motivated by imperial and racial concerns that differ markedly from those professed publicly. The primary concern of these studies is that the continued population growth of the ``less developed countries'' (LDCs) would lead to an increase in the political, economic, and military power of several of these states, at the expense of the power of the Anglo-American oligarchy. The studies worry that population growth is linked to an increasing tendency for nationalization of U.S. investments, to demands for sovereign control of resources, and to the growth of anti-imperial movements generally. For that reason, the studies are devoted to developing plans to eradicate any ideas which oppose malthusian population reduction. The documents' authors, Henry Kissinger and Brent Scowcroft, both national security advisers in the relevant 1974-77 period, explicitly identify these ideas as then embodied in the call for a ``New World Economic Order''--a concept associated at that time with Lyndon LaRouche's call for a moratorium on the Third World debt and a high-technology development policy to raise living standards. That, as LaRouche was telling Third World leaders, is the solution to the seeming ``population problem.'' - The declassified documents - On Dec. 10, 1974, the U.S. National Security Council issued a classified 250-page study entitled ``National Security Study Memorandum 200: Implications of Worldwide Population Growth for U.S. Security and Overseas Interests.'' The study had been prepared by the Undersecretaries Committee of the NSC under the supervision of Henry Kissinger, then serving as both secretary of state and the President's national security adviser. The study had been ordered by President Richard Nixon in a decision directive signed on Aug. 10, 1970. This is the first known instance in which a U.S. President defined Third World population increase as a threat to U.S. national security. NSSM 200, unlike other government documents on the subject, outlined the ``international political and economic implications'' of population growth, rather than its ``ecological, sociological or other aspects.'' It included recommendations for ``dealing with population matters abroad, particularly in the developing countries,'' by relevant U.S. agencies. On Oct. 16, 1975, Kissinger sent a confidential White House memorandum to President Gerald Ford, proposing that the President authorize an NSC decision memorandum adopting the NSC study. Following Ford's approval, the NSC issued ``National Security Decision Memorandum 314'' on Nov. 26, 1975, which endorsed the study and its recommendations. The memorandum was signed by Brent Scowcroft (who had, in the meantime, replaced Kissinger as national security adviser; Kissinger remained as secretary of state) and was addressed to the secretaries of state, treasury, defense, agriculture, the chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff and the director of the Central Intelligence Agency for implementation. In May 1976, the National Security Council produced its ``First Annual Report on U.S. International Population Policy,'' a classified report mandated by NSSM 200 and NSDM 314, which summarized the progress in implementing the earlier adopted plan of action. The report was addressed to then-CIA director George Bush, among other intelligence officials, for study and implementation. Bush and Kissinger had worked together since at least 1971, when Bush had been U.S. ambassador to the U.N. and Kissinger was national security adviser. During 1975, when Kissinger's memorandum was under study, Bush was the first U.S. envoy to the People's Republic of China, a major target for birth control. In 1976, Bush became the director of the CIA, where he worked closely with national security adviser director Scowcroft and Secretary of State Kissinger. The threesome constituted a team then, and also today. These studies were quietly declassified in 1989 and released to the U.S. National Archives in Washington in 1990, where they can now be reviewed by the public. - Kissinger fears `backlash' - NSSM 200 cites 13 ``key countries'' in which there is ``special U.S. political and strategic interest'' which requires imposing a policy of population control or reduction. The primary reason these states are so defined, is that the effect of their population growth is judged likely to increase their relative political, economic, and military regional and even world power. These key states are: India, Bangladesh, Pakistan, Nigeria, Mexico, Indonesia, Brazil, the Philippines, Thailand, Egypt, Turkey, Ethiopia, and Colombia. The study expresses concern that even with population reduction programs put in place in such nations, ``population growth rates are likely to increase appreciably before they begin to decline.'' So, for example: ``Nigeria falls into this category. Already the most populous country on the continent, with an estimated 55 million people in 1970, Nigeria's population by the end of this century is projected to number 135 million. This suggests a growing political and strategic role for Nigeria, at least in Africa south of the Sahara.'' Similarly, Egypt: ``The large and increasing size of Egypt's population is, and will remain for many years, an important consideration in the formulation of many foreign and domestic policies not only of Egypt but also of neighboring countries.'' As for Brazil, it ``clearly dominated the continent demographically,'' the study reports. It consequently warns of a ``growing power status for Brazil in Latin America and on the world scene over the next 25 years.'' Among Kissinger's biggest fears is that leaders of such states might realize that international population reduction programs are designed to undermine their development potential. As he puts it: ``There is also the danger that some LDC leaders will see developed country pressures for family planning as a form of economic or racial imperialism; this could well create a serious backlash.'' He adds: ``It is vital that the effort to develop and strengthen a commitment on the part of the LDC leaders not be seen by them as an industrialized country policy to keep their strength down or to reserve resources for use by `rich' countries. Development of such a perception could create a serious backlash adverse to the cause of population stability.'' - Ensuring imperial freedom of action - Another reason for fostering the population reduction of the entire Third World is frankly imperial. NSSM 200 pays particular attention to U.S. access to strategic minerals in the developing countries, and concludes that reducing the population growth of mineral-rich Third World states will make continued access to such resources more politically reliable. ``The location of known reserves of higher-grade ores of most minerals favors increasing dependence of all industrialized regions on imports from less developed countries. The real problems of mineral supplies lie, not in basic physical sufficiency, but in the politico-economic issues of access, terms for exploration and exploitation, and division of the benefits among producers, consumers, and host country governments.'' The study forecasts that in the absense of political stability, i.e., subservience, in these states: ``Concessions to foreign companies are likely to be expropriated or subjected to arbitrary intervention. Whether through governmental action, labor conflicts, sabotage, or civil disturbance, the smooth flow of needed materials will be jeopardized. Although population pressure is not the only factor involved, these types of frustrations are much less likely under conditions of slow or zero population growth.'' Consequently, reduction of population increases in these states is a matter of vital U.S. national security: ``Whatever may be done to guard against interruptions of supply ... the U.S. economy will require large and increasing amounts of minerals from abroad, especially from less developed countries. That fact gives the U.S. enhanced interest in the political, economic and social stability of the supplying countries. Wherever a lessening of population pressures through reduced birth rates can increase the prospects for such stability, population policy becomes relevant to resources supplies and to the economic interests of the United States.'' The study is also worried that population growth in such states will tend to increase their demands for economic development. For example, in the case of Bangladesh: ``Bangladesh is now a fairly solid supporter of Third World positions, advocating better distribution of the world's wealth and extensive trade concessions to poor nations. As its problems grow and its ability to gain assistance fails to keep pace, Bangladesh's positions on international issues likely will become radicalized, inevitably in opposition to U.S. interests on major issues as it seeks to align itself with others to force adequate aid.'' - No to a `New World Economic Order' - One of the major concerns of NSSM 200 is to check the spread of ideas which are hostile to population control and which demand economic development as the solution to Third World problems. According to Kissinger's definition, such ideas are a threat to U.S. national security. To highlight the dangerous growth of such ideas, the document presents the case of the World Population Conference in Bucharest in August 1974, to which ``the U.S. had contributed many substantive points.'' The document complains that the conference's proposed World Population Plan of Action (WPPA or the Plan) was rejected by many of these states, because of the spread of such anti-malthusian ideas. The failure of the conference, which the U.S. government had intended to be epoch-making, is one of the cited reasons for the drafting of the NSC memoranda. Referring to this conference, the document states: ``There was general consternation, therefore, when at the beginning of the conference, the Plan was subjected to a slashing, five-pronged attack led by Algeria, with the backing of several African countries; Argentina, supported by Uruguay, Brazil, Peru and more limitedly, some other Latin American countries; the Eastern European group (less Romania); the P.R.C.; and the Holy See.'' Kissinger reports that the objections to the Plan were based on the idea that a ``New World Economic Order'' could be a basis for social and economic development of the former colonial sector, and also the basis for the respect for the sovereignty of these states. This would make population control appear unnecessary or even harmful, Kissinger worries. He complains about the ``wishful thinking that economic development will solve the problem'' generated by supposed overpopulation as an idea necessary to eradicate. These ideas had already acquired their most articulated expression in the writings of Lyndon LaRouche, whom Kissinger, among others, consigned to 15 years in federal prison in 1989, following a politically motivated frameup trial. The Kissinger effort to crush the LaRouche movement is known to date back to the period in question, when LaRouche's influence had become a powerful international factor to reckon with. Although the NSC document nowhere mentions this fact, Helga Zepp, now Mrs. LaRouche, led an intervention into the Bucharest conference around the ideas of the ``New World Economic Order,'' personally challenging speaker John D. Rockefeller III with the genocidal implications of his population reduction policy. The LaRouches and their associates, through numerous publications such as {EIR,} have played a central role over the subsequent years in advocating the ideas Kissinger defines as a threat to U.S. national security--meaning the security of his elite power group. In order to combat this ``problem,'' the document stresses the need for ``education'' of Third World leaders potentially susceptible to such threatening ideas of fostering economic development: ``The beliefs, ideologies, and misconceptions displayed by many nations at Bucharest indicate more forcefully than ever the need for extensive education of the leaders of many governments, especially in Africa and some in Latin America. Approaches [for] leaders of individual countries must be designed in light of their current beliefs and to meet their special concerns.'' Elsewhere, in NSSM 200, Kissinger defines the acceptance of the supposed need for population control as vital to the U.S. secret plan: ``Development of a worldwide political and popular commitment to population stabilization is fundamental to any effective strategy. This requires the support and commitment of key LDC leaders. This will only take place if they clearly see the negative impact of unrestricted population growth and believe it is possible to deal with this question through governmental action. The U.S. should encourage LDC leaders to take the lead in advancing family planning.'' To this end, the document outlines various formulations deemed appropriate in influencing such Third World leaders, and at the same time blunting the influence of those exposing the imperial policy behind population control. For example, the document reports: ``The U.S. can help to minimize charges of an imperialist motivation behind its support of population activities by repeatedly asserting that such support derives from a concern with: (a) the right of the individual to determine freely and responsibly their number and spacing of children ... and (b) the fundamental social and economic development of poor countries.'' At the same time, the study recommends a worldwide propaganda offensive employing diverse U.S. governmental and international agencies to this end: ``Beyond seeking to reach and influence national leaders, improved worldwide support for population-related efforts should be sought through increased emphasis on mass media and other population education and motivation programs by the U.N., USIA [U.S. Information Agency], and USAID [U.S. Agency for International Development]. We should give higher priorities in our information programs worldwide for this area and consider expansion of collaborative arrangements with multilateral institutions in population education programs.'' - Food as a weapon - While Kissinger cautions, ``We must take care that our activities should not give the appearance to the LDCs of an industrialized country policy directed against the LDCs,'' the document also outlines steps to force countries to adopt population reduction measures if covert forms of persuasion and education prove ineffective. The primary weapon seized upon is the restriction of food aid. The document states: ``There is also some established precedent for taking account of family planning performance in appraisal of assistance requirements by AID and consultative groups. Since population growth is a major determinant of increases in food demand, allocation of scarce PL 480 resources should take account of what steps a country is taking in population control as well as food production. In these sensitive relations, however, it is important in style as well as substance to avoid the appearance of coercion.'' Elaborating on this measure, the document raises the possibility that ``mandatory programs may be needed and that we should be considering these possibilities now,'' adding, ``Would food be considered an instrument of national power? Will we be forced to make choices as to whom we can reasonably assist, and if so, should population efforts be a criterion for such assistance?|... Is the U.S. prepared to accept food rationing to help people who can't/won't control their population growth?'' - Progress on implementation - As previously noted, in May 1976, the NSC released its ``First Annual Report on U.S. International Population Policy,'' a progress report study mandated by NSSM 200 and related memoranda. The classified study analyzed the progress made over the previous year in implementing Kissinger's memorandum, and was forwarded to then-CIA director George Bush, among other intelligence officials, for implementation. According to the report, the primary resistance to U.S. efforts to reduce the population of the former colonial sector was found in Ibero-America, the Middle East, and Africa--areas dominated or heavily influenced by either Catholicism or Islam. Both religions are opposed to birth control, a policy which the NSC condemns as ``pro-natalism.'' The report states: ``LDC countries uncommitted to population programs include most of Africa, Latin America, and the Middle East, with a combined population of about three-quarters of a billion people. Population policies of these nations range from the pro-natalism of a few to the non-commitment of most of the others, where, in varying degrees, family planning is tolerated or even encouraged. Abortion is generally abhored, and sterilization disfavored.'' The report complains that this ``relative lack of concern,'' which should be combatted, can be ``explained by a variety of factors,'' including: ``1) no perceived need to limit population growth; ``2) or, if there is a perceived need, wishful thinking that economic development will solve the problem; ``3) belief that a large family is necessary for old age security or to meet needs for labor at certain points of farming cycle; ``4) preoccupation with other, more immediate issues; ``5) religious influences; and ``6) ignorance as well as racialism, tribalism, and traditionalism.'' The report adds: ``To the extent family planning is identified with the Western world, particularly the United States, there are even greater inhibitions in some countries toward family planning. This factor may be particularly noticeable in international conferences where Third World countries tend to combine against the West, against capitalism, and in favor of the `New World Economic Order.'|'' Then, in typical Washingtonese, the report outlines a program of subversion: ``It follows that our efforts to promote family planning amongst uncommitted countries must be fine-tuned to the particular sensitivities in each of these countries. This serves to underline the important role of our Ambassador and his or her country team in each LDC country in terms of advising Washington on how commitment can be best achieved in terms of the particular circumstances of that country being alert to take timely initiatives on their own to further these objectives.'' - The need for police-state `discipline' - In contrast to the ``uncommitted'' countries, which are subject to special covert targeting, the progress report cites countries allegedly committed to, or at least not opposed to birth control. These countries include most of Asia, notably the People's Republic of China. The study claims that ``almost one-half of the world's population live in developing countries whose leaders are committed to population policies and programs. This represents roughly two-thirds of the developing world.'' This account contrasts with statements made in the 1974 Kissinger memorandum, in which hostility toward population control by such states was considered far more prevalent. However, the study notes that even in these nations, population reduction is often difficult to implement without an appropriate form of government, even if public education, dispension of birth control devices, and other measures are vigorously pursued: ``Many leaders recognize that all these measures, significant as they are, will not help reduce population growth rates sufficiently to avert major disasters. Prerequisites for real success are likely to involve three approaches that are interrelated and have proved highly effective, as follows: ``1) strong direction from the top; ``2) developing community or `peer' pressures from below; and ``3) providing adequate low-cost health-family planning services that get to the people. ``With regard to 1), population programs have been particularly successful where leaders have made their positions clear, unequivocal, and public, while maintaining discipline down the line from national to village levels, marshalling government workers (including police and military), doctors, and motivators to see that population policies are well administered and executed. Such direction is the {sine qua non} of an effective program. In some cases, strong direction has involved incentives such as payment to acceptors for sterilizations, or disincentives such as giving low priorities in the allocation of housing and schooling to larger families.'' Thus it can be said that by 1976, the U.S. government was committed to an imperial policy which had the following components: a plan to enfeeble the power of the developing sector through fostering population decline; a plan to undermine states opposed to population control; a plan to create or strengthen Third World police-states as a means of enforcing population control. A central principle of this policy was the idea that Third World economic development represents a threat to U.S. national security, and that those advocating such development policies had to be crushed. >From EIR V18, #17. Any comments, please send by email, as I get very far behind on this group. Thanks. John Covici covici@ccs.covici.com Article 12544 of alt.activism: Path: lassie!voder!apple!usc!wuarchive!uunet!ccs!covici From: covici@ccs.covici.com (John Covici) Newsgroups: alt.activism,soc.culture.china Subject: Genocidal Roots Of Bush's New World Order Part 3 Message-ID: <8e3g21w164w@ccs.covici.com> Date: 5 May 91 11:43:30 GMT Organization: Covici Computer Systems Lines: 451 Xref: lassie alt.activism:12544 soc.culture.china:45757 Bush backed Nazi `race scientists' by Kathleen Klenetsky On Aug. 5, 1969, George Bush, then a Republican congressman from Texas, invited William Shockley and Arthur Jensen to testify in front of the Republican Task Force on Earth Resources and Population. The two men had triggered an international furor by insisting that blacks are inferior to whites in the domain of intelligence. Despite the blatant fraudulence of their claims, Bush did not utter a peep of criticism; instead, a month later, he presented a summary of their testimony to his colleagues, ``so that all Members of the House can share the information we heard.'' Explaining that his hearings had centered on three subjects, including ``the hereditary aspects of human quality'' and ``the environmental problems created by our rapid rate of population growth,'' Bush described Shockley's comments in the following words: ``Dr. Shockley stated that he feels the National Academy of Sciences has an intellectual obligation to make a clear and relevant presentation of the facts about hereditary aspects of human quality. Furthermore, he claimed our well-intentioned social welfare programs may be unwittingly producing a down-breeding of the quality of the U.S. population.'' Shockley and Jensen offered specific proposals to deal with the ``down breeding'' caused by blacks' alleged inferiority. Shockley campaigned for a Sterilizations Bonus Plan, under which those with low IQs, drug addicts, and those with diabetes, epilepsy, and similar diseases would be paid for submitting to sterilization. Shockley was especially concerned about the black reproduction rate. ``If those blacks with the least amount of Caucasian genes are in fact the most prolific and also the least intelligent,'' he claimed, ``then genetic enslavement will be the destiny of their next generation.'' Shockley and Jensen were both highly critical of U.S. social programs, especially welfare, claiming that they ``may be encouraging dysgenics--retrogressive evolution through disproportionate reproduction of the genetically disadvantaged,'' as Shockley wrote in 1979. - Bush: an enemy of life - Bush's promotion of Shockley and Jensen's Nazi-style crackpot genetic theories was no aberration. It was part and parcel of his devotion to the cause of neo-malthusianism, which, by definition, is a eugenics program directed at wiping out the ``unfit,'' the ``racially inferior,'' and the ``useless eaters.'' Despite his convenient conversion to a ``pro-life'' position during his 1980 presidential campaign, Bush's record reads like the implementation of Hitler's {Mein Kampf.} Over the course of his political career, Bush has played a critical role in the war on human life which the establishment, through the Club of Rome and other neo-malthusian outfits, has been waging for the past three decades. Jessica Mathews, vice president of a key zero-growth think tank, the World Resources Institute, attested to Bush's yeoman's work on behalf of the neo-malthusian agenda in a {Washington Post} commentary published last year. ``In the 1960s and '70s,'' she wrote, ``Bush had not only embraced the cause of domestic and international family planning, he had aggressively sought to be its champion.'' He ``shepherded the first major breakthrough in domestic family planning legislation in 1967'' and ``later co-authored the legislation commonly known as Title X, which created the first federal family planning program.'' ``On the international front,'' she continued, Bush ``recommended that the U.S. support the United Nations population fund.... In his defining maiden speech as U.S. representative to the U.N.,'' he ``named population and environment as top priorities.'' - The genocide lobby's man in Washington - Bush deserved every word of Mathews's accolade. During his two terms on Capitol Hill (1966-70), he belonged to a small group of congressmen who successfully conspired to force a profound shift in the official U.S. attitude and policy toward population expansion. Embracing the ``limits to growth'' ideology, Bush and his coterie labored to enact legislation which put population control at the center of U.S. domestic and foreign policy. Bush arrived in Congress just as the neo-malthusians were girding themselves for the final assault against the Judeo-Christian concept that every person possesses a divine spark through which he is capable of making a unique contribution to the welfare of humanity. In contrast, the zero-growthers claimed that man is a ``cancer'' who is uncontrollably devouring the world's fixed resources, and who must be stopped at any cost. The battle was fully joined in 1968, when Pope Paul VI issued his enyclical {Humanae vitae}, which excoriated the neo-malthusian mentality and its goals: ``Let it be considered also that a dangerous weapon would be placed in the hands of those public authorities who take no heed of moral exigencies.... Who will stop rulers from favoring, from even imposing upon their people, the method of contraception which they judged to be most efficacious?'' As for poor countries with a high population rate, the encyclical said: ``No solution to these difficulties is acceptable which does violence to man's essential dignity.... The only possible solution is one which envisages the social and economic progress both of individuals and of the whole of human society....'' Bush was squarely on the other side. Just days after {Humanae vitae} was issued, he announced, ``I have decided to give my vigorous support for population control in both the United States and the world,'' adding: ``For those of us who feel so strongly on this issue, the recent enyclical was most discouraging.'' Bush pushed, prodded, and cajoled his fellow congressmen into enacting legislation that contributed to bringing about the kinds of ``1984'' horrors of which Paul VI warned. ``He was really out front on the population issue,'' a zero-growth activist recently said. ``He was saying things that even we were reluctant to talk about publicly.'' Prior to the mid-1960s, the U.S. government had refused to become involved in population control. As late as December 1959, political opposition to population control was so strong that President Eisenhower said, ``Birth control is not our business. I cannot imagine anything more emphatically a subject that is not a proper political or governmental activity ... or responsibility.'' But within a few short years, U.S. policy had undergone a 180-degree turn. No longer was it taboo to push population control; it was taboo to oppose it! Bush played a pivotal role in this shift. Shortly after arriving in Washington, he teamed up with fellow Republican Herman Schneebeli to offer amendments to the Social Security Act which placed priority emphasis on what was euphemistically called ``family planning services.'' Their avowed goal was to reduce the number of children born to women on welfare. The Bush-Schneebeli amendments were largely prompted by Dr. Alan Guttmacher, president of Planned Parenthood, and a prote@aage@aa of its founder, Margaret Sanger. Years before Hitler's rise to power, Sanger was leading the charge for wholesale sterilization of ``unfit'' and ``inferior races'' in the name of ``race betterment.'' Although Planned Parenthood eventually toned down the racist rhetoric, claiming instead that ``family planning'' was a boon to the poor, its basic goal of curbing procreation among ``undesirables'' never changed. Bush was a big fan of Planned Parenthood. Like his father, Prescott, whose affiliation with the group cost him the Senate race in 1950, Bush championed Planned Parenthood at every opportunity. In 1967, he urged ``government agencies [to] work even more closely with ... Planned Parenthood.'' A year later, he called on those interested in ``advancing the cause of family planning'' to ``call your local Planned Parenthood'' to offer your ``help and support.'' - War on the poor, blacks - The Bush-Schneebeli amendments were aimed at reducing the number of children born to blacks and poor whites. They required all welfare recipients, including mothers of young children, to seek work, and they barred increases in federal aid to states where the proportion of dependent children on welfare increased. Reducing the national welfare bill was a prime Bush concern. Talking about rising welfare rolls, Bush lamented in July 1968 that ``our national welfare costs are rising phenomenally.'' Worse, ``The fastest-growing part of the relief rolls is aid for dependent children (AFDC).'' He frequently motivated his population control crusade with thinly veiled appeals to racism. Like Shockley, Bush worried publicly that blacks had more children than whites. Blacks must recognize, he said, ``that they cannot hope to acquire a larger share of American prosperity without cutting down on births.'' In 1970, Bush spearheaded the fight for President Richard Nixon's Family Assistance Program (FAP). Falsely billed as a help to the poor because of its income-floor provision, the measure mandated every able-bodied welfare recipient, except mothers with children under six, to take a job. Bush liked FAP since it would force the lazy to work: Whereas ``the present welfare system encourages idleness by making it more profitable to be on welfare than to work, and provides no method by which the state may limit the number of individuals added to the rolls,'' under FAP, ``if an individual does not work, he will not receive funds.'' This was just the beginning of Bush's efforts to eliminate the world's ``useless eaters.'' Over the next few years, the zero-growth gang jacked up its crusade for radical population control, and Bush goose-stepped right along. In rapid succession, he proposed bills to create a National Center for Population and Family Planning and Welfare, and to rename the Interior Department the Department of Resources, Environment, and Population. In the foreign policy arena, he helped shift U.S. foreign assistance away from funding development projects, to underwriting population control. ``I propose that we totally revamp our foreign aid program to give primary emphasis to population control,'' he stated in the summer of 1968. ``In my opinion, we have made a mistake in our foreign aid by concentrating on building huge steel mills and concrete plans in underdeveloped nations.'' On the domestic side, one of his more important initiatives was his sponsorhip of the Family Planning Services and Population Research Act of 1970, brainchild of Sen. Joseph Tydings, a key zero-growther. Signed into law by President Nixon on Dec. 24, 1970, the Tydings-Bush bill drastically increased the federal financial commitment to population control, authorizing an initial $382 million for family planning sevices, population research, population education and information. Much of this money was funneled through private institutions, particularly local clinics run by Planned Parenthood. The Tydings-Bush measure mandated the notorious Title X, which explicitly targeted ``family planning'' assistance to the poor. Bush and his fellow neo-malthusians talked constantly about the importance of disseminating birth control to the poor. They claimed there were 5 million poor women who wanted to limit their families, but could not afford birth control. In introducing the House version of the Tydings bill, Bush ally Rep. James Scheuer (D-N.Y.) ranted that while middle-class women ``have been limiting the number of offspring for years, women of low-income families'' were not. ``If poverty and family size are so closely related we ask, `Why don't poor women stop having babies?'|'' The Bush-Tydings measure took a giant step toward getting them to do so. An analysis by the Alan Guttmacher Institute found that since Title X went into effect, ``2.3 million unintended births were averted and that each dollar invested in family planning by government yields a savings of $2.00 in health and welfare costs alone.'' Others put the ``cost-benefit'' ratio much higher. A 1975 study estimated that every dollar invested in ``family planning'' saved $25-70 in welfare and other costs. - Bush's task force from Hell - One of the main outlets Bush used for his zero-growth agenda was the Republican Task Force on Earth Resources and Population, which he founded and chaired. This is the panel to which he invited Jensen and Shockley. Comprised of over 20 congressmen, the group functioned as a bloc to promote the zero-growth cause; its hearings provided a public forum to nearly every neo-malthusian around. For example, on July 24, 1969, it heard from Gen. William Draper, then national chairman of the Population Crisis Committee, and a close friend of Bush's father, Prescott. According to Bush, Draper warned that the population explosion was like a ``rising tide,'' and called for using ``our God-given brain power to bring back a balance between the birth rate and the death rate.'' Draper also lashed out at the Catholic Church for frustrating population control efforts in Ibero-America. A week later, Oscar Harkavy, chief of the Ford Foundation's population program, testified. Bush summarized his remarks thus: ``The population explosion is commonly recognized as one of the most serious problems now facing the nation and the world. Mr. Harkavy suggested . that we more adequately fund population research. {It seems inconsistent that cancer research funds total $250-275 million annually, more than eight times the amount spent on reproductive biology research}'' (emphasis added). At the same hearings where Shockley and Jensen testified, Bush also heard from Paul Ehrlich. Founder of Zero Population Growth and author of the 1968 bestseller {The Population Bomb,} Ehrlich urged the government to institute ``drastic policies'' to ``establish a reasonable population size,'' such as ``the addition of ... mass sterilization'' agents to U.S. food and water supplies. In February 1969, Bush and the task force proposed a Joint Committee on Population and Family Planning, to ``focus national attention on the domestic and foreign need for family planning.'' ``We need to make population and family planning household words,'' Bush told the House. ``We need to take the sensationalism out of this topic so that it can no longer be used by militants who have no real knowledge of the voluntary nature of the program but, rather, are using it as a political steppingstone. ``A thorough investigation into birth control and a collection of data which would give the Congress the criteria to determine the effectiveness of its programs must come swiftly to stave off the number of future mouths which will feed on an ever-decreasing proportion of food,'' he added. - Opening the door to legalized abortion - On July 18, 1969, President Nixon, responding to the urgings of Henry Kissinger and the Rockefeller family, called for a blue-ribbon Commission on Population. Bush was ecstatic. This was something he himself had proposed numerous times; on July 21, he issued a statement to ``commend the President.'' ``We now know,'' he intoned, ``that the fantastic rate of population growth we have witnessed these past 20 years continues with no let-up in sight. If this growth rate is not checked now we ... face a danger that is as defenseless as nuclear war.'' Within weeks, Bush's task force had introduced the requisite legislation, and the Commission on Population Growth and the American Future quickly got under way. Headed by John D. Rockefeller III, the commission represented a radical, government-sanctioned attack on human life. Its final report, issued in 1972, asserted that ``the time has come to challenge the tradition that population growth is desirable: What was unintended may turn out to be unwanted, in the society as in the family.'' Not only did the commission demand an end to population growth and economic progress; it also attacked the foundation of Western civilization: man's reason. ``Mass urban industrialism is based on science and technology, efficiency, acquisition, and domination through rationality,'' it said. ``The exercise of these same values now contain the potential for the destruction of our humanity. Man is losing that balance with nature which is an essential condition of human existence.'' The commission made numerous recommendations to curb both population expansion and economic growth, among them, liberalizing laws restricting abortion and sterilization; having the government fund abortions; and providing birth control to teenagers. Its impact on American attitudes on population growth and personal morality cannot be underestimated; it certainly accelerated the plunge into outright genocide. One of its immediate effects was to break down the last barriers to legalized abortion. Just one year after its final report, the Supreme Court delivered its {Roe v. Wade} decision. - Weeding out the `unfit' - The drive for population control which surfaced in the 1960s amidst a stream of propaganda about the ``population bomb'' and the ``limits to growth,'' was merely a retooling of the old eugenics movement, which had been forced underground temporarily when the world recoiled in horror at its logical culmination in the Nazi movement. By the mid-1960s, the eugenicists had resurrected themselves as the population-control/ecology movement. Planned Parenthood was a perfect example of the transformation. Rather than demand the sterilization of the ``inferior'' races, the newly packaged eugenicists now talked about giving the poor ``equal access'' to birth contol, and ``saving the environment.'' ``Welfare recipients'' became the new codeword for the ``genetically unfit.'' But nothing had truly changed--including the use of coercion. While advocates of government ``family planning'' programs insisted that these were strictly voluntary, the reality was far different. By the 1970s, the number of involuntary sterilizations being carried out, by programs which Bush helped set up, had skyrocketed, especially among blacks and other minorities. In a 1974 court ruling, U.S. Judge Gerhard Gesell found, ``Over the last few years, an estimated 100,000 to 150,000 low-income persons have been sterilized annually under federally funded programs. ``Although Congress has been insistent that all family planning programs function on a purely voluntary basis,'' he wrote, ``there is uncontroverted evidence ... that an indefinite number of poor people have been improperly coerced into accepting a sterilization operation under the threat that various federally supported welfare benefits would be withdrawn unless they submitted to irreversible sterilization.'' He concluded that the ``dividing line between family planning and eugenics is murky.'' - Bush and genocide: a family affair - If you believe--as Bush does--in the pseudo-scientific genetic theories promoted by Shockley and Jensen (not to mention Hitler), you might argue that Bush is genetically predisposed to genocide. After all, he does seem to have inherited his obsession with population control and racial ``down-breeding'' from his father, Prescott. A staunch supporter of Planned Parenthood, Prescott Bush was a top partner in the Brown Brothers, Harriman, investment bank. The Harriman family (including Averell, the late Democratic Party elder statesmen), along with other leading establishment families, created the eugenics movement in the United States, which instituted the mass sterilization of the ``feeble-minded'' and ``racially inferior'' in the 1920s--practices the Nazis later copied. The Harrimans helped organize a series of international conferences which brought together all the leading lights in the eugenics movement. At the Third International Eugenics Conference in 1932, the guest of honor was none other than Dr. Ernst Rudin, head of the German Society for Racial Hygiene, who a few years later drafted the Nazi miscegenation laws against the Jews. One of the U.S. eugenicists who rubbed shoulders with Rudin at the conference was Gen. William Draper, a New York banker and close friend of Prescott Bush, who later became a top population control crusader, and helped organize the Population Crisis Committee/Draper Fund. Draper summed up his attitude toward the human race in a 1971 article, in which he compared the developing nations to an ``animal reserve,'' where, when the animals become too numerous, the park rangers ``arbitrarily reduce one or another species as necessary to preserve the balanced environment for all other animals. ``But who will be the {park ranger for the human race?}'' he asked. ``Who will cull out the surplus in this country or that country when the pressure of too many people and too few resources increases beyond endurance? Will the death-dealing Horsemen of the Apocalypse--war in its modern nuclear dress, hunger haunting half the human race, and disease--will the gaunt and forbidding Horsemen become Park Ranger for the two-legged animal called man?'' Draper and Bush collaborated closely during the latter's congressional career. Bush invited him to testify to his Task Force on Earth Resources and Population; Draper helped draft the Bush-Tydings bill. In September 1969, Bush gave a public tribute to Draper for his relentless pursuit of zero-growth (see {Documentation}). Draper's son William III has enthusiastically carried out his father's genocidal legacy--frequently with Bush's assistance. In 1980, he served as national chairman of the Bush presidential campaign's finance committee. During the Reagan-Bush administration, Bush had his friend appointed to key government positions, including Export-Import Bank head, and administrator of the United Nations Development Program, which post he still holds. This past January, Draper gave a speech to a conference in Washington, stating that population reduction is the core of Bush's ``new world order.'' - From population control to depopulation war - In 1970, Bush lost his race for the U.S. Senate. But that did not deter him from carrying on his campaign against the human race. Appointed by President Nixon as U.S. ambassador to the United Nations, Bush used that post to promote zero growth on a global basis. In 1973, he became U.S. emissary to communist China, where he gave 100% support to China's savage population control program, which includes sterilization and abortion, as well as infanticide. Now, as President, Bush has taken his zero-growth insanity to its ultimate conclusion, using the instruments of modern warfare to kill countless numbers of people in the Third World, while simultaneously sabotaging domestic programs on which the lives of millions depend. If Bush is allowed to continue his policies unfettered, there won't simply be zero growth; there will be zero people. >From EIR V18, #17. Any comments, please send by email, as I get very far behind on this group. Thanks. John Covici covici@ccs.covici.com Article 12545 of alt.activism: Path: lassie!voder!apple!usc!wuarchive!uunet!ccs!covici From: covici@ccs.covici.com (John Covici) Newsgroups: alt.activism,soc.culture.china Subject: Genocidal Roots Of ush's New World Order Part 4 Message-ID: Date: 5 May 91 11:44:55 GMT Organization: Covici Computer Systems Lines: 150 Xref: lassie alt.activism:12545 soc.culture.china:45758 Documentation {From George Bush's foreword to the book }World Crisis: The U.S. Response,{ by Phyllis Piotrow, 1973:} The population problem is no longer a private matter. In a world of nearly 4 billion people, population growth and how to restrain it are public concerns that command the attention of national and international leaders.... It is quite clear that one of the major challenges of the 1970s will be to curb the world's fertility.... One fact is clear: In a world of nearly 4 billion people, with some 150 independent governments, myriad races, religions, tribes and other organizations, major world problems like population and environmental protection will have to be handled by large and complex organizations representing many nations and many different points of view. How well we and the rest of the world can make the policies and programs of the United Nations responsive to the needs of the people will be the test of success in the population field. {From George Bush's testimony before Senate Government Operations subcommittee hearings on the population crisis (the Gruening hearings), Nov. 2, 1967:} With the pill and other devices, we have made great strides in [the population control] field. But even though all government programs in this field, to my knowledge, are voluntary, I get the feeling that we are still tiptoeing cautiously around the edge of the problem.... I get the feeling that it is a little less unfashionable to be in favor of birth control and planned parenthood today than it used to be. If you will excuse one personal reference here: My father, when he ran for the U.S. Senate in 1950, was defeated by 600 or 700 votes. On the steps of several of the Catholic churches in Connecticut, the Sunday before the election, people stood there passing out pamphlets saying, ``Listen to what this commentator has to say tonight. Listen to what this commentator has to say.'' That night on the radio, the commentator came on and said, ``Of interest to voters in Connecticut, Prescott Bush is head of the Planned Parenthood Birth Control League,'' or something like this. Well, he lost by about 600 votes and there are some of us who feel that this had something to do with it. I do not think anybody can get away with that type of thing any more.... There is a troubling resistance from some of the more militant civil rights groups. Again this is considered hush-hush, but like many of the things in this field, we ought to discuss it. I thing there is some feeling among some of the more militant civil rights people that any effort in planned parenthood is going to be to try to breed the Negro out of existence. {From Bush's statement on ``Population Control and Family Planning,'' }Congressional Record,{ July 30, 1968:} The problem of population growth is skyrocketing.... Our national welfare costs are rising phenomenally, prompting me to wonder how we can take basic steps to arrest it.... The fastest-growing part of the relief rolls everywhere is aid for dependent children: At the end of the 1968 fiscal year, a little over $2 billion will be spent for AFDC, but by fiscal 1972 this will increase by over 75%.... [These] children are often unwanted ... two-thirds of them come from families where the father is absent.... If past trends continue, they will pass on the curse of poverty to their children. It has been shown that of all the families living in poverty, 33% have five children and 43% have six children. Seventy-one percent of the non-white poor families have five or more children.... Birth control must come swiftly to stave off the number of future mouths which will feed on an ever-decreasing proportion of food. The Federal Government, along with many State governments, has taken steps to accelerate family planning activities in the United States, but we need to do more. We have a clear precedent: When the Salk vaccine [for polio] was discovered, large-scale programs were undertaken to distribute it. I see no reason why similar programs of education and family planning assistance ... should not be instituted on a massive scope. It is imperative that we do so: not only to fight poverty at its roots, not only to cut down on our welfare costs, but also to eliminate the needless suffering of unwanted children and overburdened parents. I propose that we increase and earmark appropriations for our already existing family-planning services in all areas.... Money spent toward family planning is a good investment, since, in the long run, it will save on such costs as aid for dependent children.... {From Bush's call for a National College of Ecological and Environmental Studies, May 28, 1970:} The Republican Task Force on Earth Resources and Population of which I am chairman has been studying environmental problems for the past year. We have become acutely aware of the urgency of these problems and the need to employ the creative talents of our concerned young people. This is one of the reasons that I introduced H.R. 16847, a bill to establish a National College of Ecological and Environmental Studies. The college would be funded with seed money from federal funds, but the bulk of the cost would be provided by the private and commercial sectors of the country. It would provide for an organized non-political youth forum where needed communications can be channeled into solving environmental problems. From Bush's tribute to Gen. William Draper, printed in the }Congressional Record,{ Sept. 18, 1969:} Mr. Speaker, I wish to pay tribute to a great American, William H. Draper, Jr.... I am very much aware of the significant leadership that General Draper has executed throughout the world in assisting governments in their efforts to solve the awesome problems of rapid population growth. No other person in the past five years has shown more initiative in creating the awareness of the world's leaders in recognizing the economic consequences of our population explosion. Fortunately, we will be hearing more from Bill Draper as he is now the honorary chairman of the Population Crisis Committee, and will continue to be available for consultation on world affairs for which he is so well qualified. From General Draper's testimony to the Democratic and Republican presidential conventions, summer 1968:} The age-old method of higher death rates--nature's way of keeping the balance--must give way to deliberate and massive birth control by all the world's people. That's the only humanitarian, the only possible solution. In the U.S., the government should encourage and support the establishment of voluntary family planning services in every suitable publicly assisted health facility throughout the country. Abroad, our economic assistance program should encourage developing nations to recognize that high rates of population growth mean lower rates of individual betterment. The Pope has missed one of the greatest challenges of our time. He has turned his back on the desperate need of the 20th century. >From EIR V18, #17. Any comments, please send by email, as I get very far behind on this group. Thanks. John Covici covici@ccs.covici.com Article 4899 of alt.conspiracy: Path: lassie!voder!apple!amdcad!decwrl!wuarchive!zaphod.mps.ohio-state.edu!rpi!batcomputer!munnari.oz.au!metro!cluster!swift!peg!lacc From: lacc@peg.UUCP Newsgroups: alt.conspiracy Subject: US PLUTOCRATS PLOTTED GENOCIDE Message-ID: <606300017@peg> Date: 4 Jun 91 02:52:00 GMT Lines: 429 Nf-ID: #N:peg:606300017:000:20907 Nf-From: peg.UUCP!lacc Jun 3 22:52:00 1991 [THE FOLLOWING ARTICLE IS FROM "THE NEW DAWN", VOL. 1, NO. 1, MAY 1991. $25 FOR 12 ISSUES. FOR FURTHER INFORMATION WRITE TO: THE NEW DAWN, AUSTRALIAN PEOPLE'S CONFERENCE, GPO BOX 3126FF, MELBOURNE, 3001, AUSTRALIA. ARTICLE MAY BE REPRINTED PROVIDED THAT SOURCE IS CREDITED TOGETHER WITH FULL ADDRESS. * ALL COMMUNICATION SHOULD BE DIRECTED TO THE ABOVE ADDRESS *] U.S. Plutocrats Plotted Third World Genocide by Hassan Ahmed and Joseph Brewda. Although U.S. population control studies intended for public dissemination typically centre on the allegedly dire effect that "over-population" has on the economic well-being and stability of the developing countries, this is not the actual concern of the planners who have shaped U.S. policy toward the Third World since the Henry Kissinger era in government. An examination of recently declassified documents, in particular National Security Study Memorandum 200, "Implications of Worldwide Population Growth for U.S. Security and Overseas Interests," written in 1974, shows that U.S. government population policy is motivated by imperial and racial concerns that differ markedly from those professed publicly. The primary concern of these studies is that the continued population growth of the "less developed countries" (LDCs) would lead to an increase in the political, economic, and military power of several of these states, at the expense of the power of the Anglo-American oligarchy. The studies worry that population growth is linked to an increasing tendency for nationalization of U.S. investments, to demands for sovereign control of resources, and to the growth of anti-imperial movements generally. For that reason, the studies are devoted to developing plans to eradicate any ideas which oppose Malthusian population reduction. The documents' authors, Henry Kissinger and Brent Scowcroft, both National Security Council directors in the relevant 1974-77 period, explicitly identify these ideas as then embodied in the call for a "New World Economic Order" The Declassified Documents On Dec. 10, 1974, the U.S. National Security Council issued a classified 250-page study entitled "National Security Study Memorandum 200: Implications of Worldwide Population Growth for U.S. Security and Overseas Interests." The study had been prepared by the Under-secretaries Committee of the NSC under the supervision of Henry Kissinger, then serving as both secretary of state and the President's national security adviser (NSC director). The study had been ordered by President Richard Nixon in a decision directive signed on Aug. 10, 1970. This is the first known instance that a U.S. President defined Third World population increase as a threat to U.S. national security. NSSM 200, unlike other government documents on the subject, outlined the "international political and economic implications" of population growth, rather than its "ecological, sociological or other aspects." It included recommendations for "dealing with population matters abroad, particularly in the developing countries," by relevant U.S. agencies. On Oct. 16, 1975, Kissinger sent a confidential White House memorandum to then-President Gerald Ford, proposing that the President authorize an NSC decision memorandum adopting the NSC study. Following Ford's approval, the NSC issued "National Security Decision Memorandum 314" on Nov. 26, 1975, which endorsed the study and its recommendations. The memorandum was signed by Brent Scowcroft (who had, in the meantime, replaced Kissinger as national security adviser; Kissinger remained as secretary of state) and was addressed to the secretaries of state, treasury, defense, agriculture, the director of the Joint Chiefs of Staff and the director of the Central Intelligence Agency for implementation. In May 1976, the National Security Council produced its "First Annual Report on U.S. International Population Policy," a classified report mandated by NSSM 200 and NSDM 314, which summarized the progress in implementing the earlier adopted plan of action. The report was addressed to then CIA director George Bush, among other intelligence officials, for study and implementation. Bush and Kissinger had worked together since at least 1971, when Bush had been U.S. ambassador to the U.N. and Kissinger was NSC director. During 1975, when Kissinger's memorandum was under study, Bush was the first U.S. envoy to the People's Republic of China, a major target for birth control. In 1976, Bush became the director of the CIA, where he worked closely with NSC director Scowcroft and Secretary of State Kissinger. The threesome constituted a team then, and also today. These studies were quietly declassified in 1989 and released to the U.S. National Archives in Washington in 1990, where they can now be reviewed by the public. Kissinger Fears 'backlash' NSSM 200 cites 13 "key countries" in which there is "special U.S. political and strategic interest" which requires imposing a policy of population control or reduction. The primary reason these states are so defined, is that the effect of their population growth is judged likely to increase their relative political, economic, and military regional and even world power. These key states are: India, Bangladesh, Pakistan, Nigeria, Mexico, Indonesia, Brazil, the Philippines, Thailand, Egypt, Turkey, Ethiopia, and Colombia. The study expresses concern that even with population reduction programs put in place in such nations, "population growth rates are likely to increase appreciably before they begin to decline." So, for example: "Nigeria falls into this category. Already the most populous country on the continent, with an estimated 55 million people in 1970, Nigeria's population by the end of this century is projected to number 135 million. This suggests a growing political and strategic role for Nigeria, at least in Africa south of the Sahara." Similarly, Egypt: "The large and increasing size of Egypt's population is, and will remain for many years, an important consideration in the formulation of many foreign and domestic policies not only of Egypt but also of neighboring countries." As for Brazil, it "clearly dominated the continent demographically," the study reports. It consequently warns of a "growing power status for Brazil in Latin America and on the world scene over the next 25 years." Among Kissinger's biggest fears is that leaders of such states might realize that international population reduction programs are designed to undermine their development potential. As he puts it: "There is also the danger that some LDC leaders will see developed country pressures for family planning as a form of economic or racial imperialism; this could well create a serious backlash." He adds: "It is vital that the effort to develop and strengthen a commitment on the part of the LDC leaders not be seen by them as an industrialized country policy to keep their strength down or to reserve resources for use by 'rich' countries. Development of such a perception could create a serious backlash adverse to the cause of population stability." Ensuring Imperial Freedom of Action Another reason for fostering the population reduction of the entire Third World is frankly imperial. NSSM 200 pays particular attention to U.S. access to strategic minerals in the developing countries, and concludes that reducing the population growth of mineral-rich Third World states will make continued access to such resources more politically reliable. "The location of known reserves of higher-grade ores of most minerals favors increasing dependence of all industrialized regions on imports from less developed countries. The real problems of mineral supplies lie, not in basic physical sufficiency, but in the politico-economic issues of access, terms for exploration and exploitation, and division of the benefits among producers, consumers, and host country governments." The study forecasts that in the absence of political stability, i.e., subservience, in these states: "Concessions to foreign companies are likely to be expropriated or subjected to arbitrary intervention. Whether through governmental action, labour conflicts, sabotage, or civil disturbance, the smooth flow of needed materials will be jeopardized. Although population pressure is not the only factor involved, these types of frustrations are much less likely under conditions of slow or zero population growth." Consequently, reduction of population increases in these states is a matter of vital U.S. national security: "Whatever may be done to guard against interruptions of supply ... the U.S. economy will require large and increasing amounts of minerals from abroad, especially from less developed countries. That fact gives the U.S. enhanced interest in the political, economic and social stability of the supplying countries. Wherever a lessening of population pressures through reduced birth rates can increase the prospects for such stability, population policy becomes relevant to resources supplies and to the economic interests of the United States." The study is also worried that population growth in such states will tend to increase their demands for economic development. For example, in the case of Bangladesh: "Bangladesh is now a fairly solid supporter of third world positions, advocating better distribution of the world's wealth and extensive trade concessions to poor nations. As its problems grow and its ability to gain assistance fails to keep pace, Bangladesh's positions on international issues likely will become radicalized, inevitably in opposition to U.S. interests on major issues as it seeks to align itself with others to force adequate aid." No to a 'New World Economic Order' One of the major concerns of NSSM 200 is to check the spread of ideas which are hostile to population control and which demand economic development as the solution to Third World problems. According to Kissinger's definition, such ideas are a threat to U.S. national security. To highlight the dangerous growth of such ideas, the document presents the case of the World Population Conference in Bucharest in August 1974, to which "the U.S. had contributed many substantive points." The document complains that the conference's proposed World Population Plan of Action (WPPA or the Plan) was rejected by many of these states, because of the spread of such anti-Malthusian ideas. The failure of the conference, which the U.S. government had intended to be epoch-making, is one of the cited reasons for the drafting of the NSC memoranda. Referring to this conference, the document states: "There was general consternation, therefore, when at the beginning of the conference, the Plan was subjected to a slashing, five-pronged attack led by Algeria, with the backing of several African countries; Argentina, supported by Uruguay, Brazil, Peru and more limitedly, some other Latin American countries, the Eastern European group (less Romania); the P.R.C.; and the Holy See." Kissinger reports that the objections to the Plan were based on the idea that a "New World Economic Order" could be a basis for social and economic development of the former colonial sector, and also the basis for the respect for the sovereignty of these states. This would make population control appear unnecessary or even harmful, Kissinger worries. He complains about the "wishful thinking that economic development will solve the problem" generated by supposed over-population as an idea necessary to eradicate. In order to combat this "problem," the document stresses the need for "education" of Third World leaders potentially susceptible to such threatening ideas of fostering economic development: "The beliefs, ideologies, and misconceptions displayed by many nations at Bucharest indicate more forcefully than ever the need for extensive education of the leaders of many governments, especially in Africa and some in Latin America. Approaches [for] leaders of individual countries must be designed in light of their current beliefs and to meet their special concerns." Elsewhere, in NSSM 200, Kissinger defines the acceptance of the supposed need for population control as vital to the U.S. secret plan: "Development of a worldwide political and popular commitment to population stabilization is fundamental to any effective strategy. This requires the support and commitment of key LDC leaders. This will only take place if they clearly see the negative impact of unrestricted population growth and believe it is possible to deal with this question through governmental action. The U.S. should encourage LDC leaders to take the lead in advancing family planning...." To this end, the document outlines various formulations deemed appropriate in influencing such Third World leaders, and at the same time blunting the influence of those exposing the imperial policy behind population control. For example, the document reports: "The U.S. can help to minimize charges of an imperialist motivation behind its support of population activities by repeatedly asserting that such support derives from a concern with: (a) the right of the individual to determine freely and responsibly their number and spacing of children ... and (b) the fundamental social and economic development of poor countries...." At the same time, the study recommends a worldwide propaganda offensive employing diverse U.S. governmental and international agencies to this end: "Beyond seeking to reach and influence national leaders, improved worldwide support for population-related efforts should be sought through increased emphasis on mass media and other population education and motivation programs by the U.N., USIA [U.S. Information Agency], and USAID [U.S. Agency for International Development]. We should give higher priorities in our information programs worldwide for this area and consider expansion of collaborative arrangements with multilateral institutions in population education programs." Food as a Weapon While Kissinger cautions, "We must take care that our activities should not give the appearance to the LDCs of an industrialized country policy directed against the LDCs," the document also outlines steps to force countries to adopt population reduction measures if covert forms of persuasion and education prove ineffective. The primary weapon seized upon is the restriction of food aid. The document states: "There is also some established precedent for taking account of family planning performance in appraisal of assistance requirements by AID and consultative groups. Since population growth is a major determinant of increases in food demand, allocation of scare PL 480 resources should take account of what steps a country is taking in population control as well as food production. In these sensitive relations, however, it is important in style as well as substance to avoid the appearance of coercion." Elaborating on this measure, the document raises the possibility that "mandatory programs may be needed and that we should be considering these possibilities now," adding, "Would food be considered an instrument of national power? Will we be forced to make choices as to whom we can reasonably assist, and if so, should population efforts be a criterion for such assistance?|... Is the U.S. prepared to accept food rationing to help people who can't/won't control their population growth?" Progress on Implementation As previously noted, in May 1976, the NSC released its "First Annual Report on U.S. International Population Policy," a progress-report study mandated by NSSM 200 and related memoranda. The classified study analyzed the progress made over the previous year in implementing Kissinger's memorandum, and was forwarded to then-CIA director George Bush, among other intelligence officials, for implementation. According to the report, the primary resistance to U.S. efforts to reduce the population of the former colonial sector was found in Ibero-America, the Middle East, and Africa - areas dominated or heavily influenced by either Catholicism or Islam. Both religions are opposed to birth control, a policy which the NSC condemns as "pro-natalism." The report states: "LDC countries uncommitted to population programs include most of Africa, Latin America, and the Middle East, with a combined population of about three-quarters of a billion people. Population policies of these nations range from the pro-natalism of a few to the non-commitment of most of the others, where, in varying degrees, family planning is tolerated or even encouraged. Abortion is generally abhorred, and sterilization disfavored." The report complains that this "relative lack of concern," which required being combated, can be "explained by a variety of factors," including: 1) no perceived need to limit population growth; 2) or, if there is a perceived need, wishful thinking that economic development will solve the problem; 3) belief that a large family is necessary for old age security or to meet needs for labour at certain points of farming cycle; 4) preoccupation with other, more immediate issues; 5) religious influences; and 6) ignorance as well as racialism, tribalism, and traditionalism." The report adds: "To the extent family planning is identified with the Western world, particularly the United States, there are even greater inhibitions in some countries toward family planning. This factor may be particularly noticeable in international conferences where Third World countries tend to combine against the West, against capitalism, and in favor of the 'New World Economic Order.'" Then, in typical Washingtonese, the report outlines a program of subversion: "It follows that our efforts to promote family planning amongst uncommitted countries must be fine-tuned to the particular sensitivities in each of these countries. This serves to underline the important role of our Ambassador and his or her country team in each LDC in terms of advising Washington on how commitment can be best achieved in terms of the particular circumstances of that country being alert to take timely initiatives on their own to further these objectives." The Need for 'Police-State Discipline' In contrast to the "uncommitted" countries, which are subject to special covert targeting, the progress-report cites countries allegedly committed to, or at least not opposed to birth control. These countries include most of Asia, notably the People's Republic of China. The study claims that "almost one-half of the world's population live in developing countries whose leaders are committed to population policies and programs. This represents roughly two-thirds of the developing world." This account contrasts with statements made in the 1974 Kissinger memorandum, in which hostility toward population control by such states was considered far more prevalent. However, the study notes that even in these nations, population reduction is often difficult to implement without an appropriate form of government, even if public education, dispension of birth control devices, and other measures are vigorously pursued: "Many leaders recognize that all these measures, significant as they are, will not help reduce population growth rates sufficiently to avert major disasters. Prerequisites for real success are likely to involve three approaches that are interrelated and have proved highly effective, as follows: 1) strong direction from the top; 2) developing community or 'peer' pressures from below; and 3) providing adequate low-cost health-family planning services that get to the people. With regard to 1), population programs have been particularly successful where leaders have made their positions clear, unequivocal, and public, while maintaining discipline down the line from national to village levels, marshalling government workers (including police and military), doctors, and motivators to see that population policies are well administered and executed. Such direction is the {sine qua non} of an effective program. In some cases, strong direction has involved incentives such as payment to acceptors for sterilizations, or disincentives such as giving low priorities in the allocation of housing and schooling to larger families." Thus it can be said that in 1976, the U.S. government was committed to an imperial policy which had the following components: a plan to enfeeble the power of the developing sector through fostering population decline; a plan to undermine states opposed to population control; a plan to create or strengthen Third World police-states as a means of enforcing population control. A central principle of this policy was the idea that Third World economic development represents a threat to U.S. national security, and that those advocating such development policies had to be crushed. ----- End Included Message ----- -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Date: Fri, 6 Mar 92 10:07:24 PST From: lpb@stratus.swdc.stratus.com (Len Bucuvalas x5363) To: ambrosegb@mala.bc.ca raper, a New York banker and close friend of Prescott Bush,